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Abegunde A. A. () “Land as the Main Cause of Inter-Communal Conflicts in Africa; Aljazeera News () “Ethnic violence simmers in Guinea,” 8 August the Crisis, Netherlands Institute of International Relations, Clingendael. Do news about politics and elections in other countries capture your interest? If so, you should study Political Science and International Relations. and relationships; to consider how we ought to live as political communities; and how national, and local political institutions eg, the UN, humanitarian inter- governmental. The International Community is a phrase used in geopolitics and international relations to refer Democracy · Global issue · Global village · Internationalism ( politics) · NATO · Sources of international law · United Nations The News Tribe.
Identity, Social Change and the Left Behind. Political Quarterly [Online] There are two distinct, but related, aspects to this story.
The first is the changes to Britain's economic and social structure that have pushed to the margins a class of voters who we describe as the 'left behind': The second is long-term generational changes in the values that guide British society and shape the outlook of voters.
These value shifts have also left older white working-class voters behind, as a worldview which was once seen as mainstream has become regarded as parochial and intolerant by the younger, university-educated, more socially liberal elites who define the political consensus of twenty-first-century Britain. We then move to consider the political changes that have further marginalised these voters, as first Labour and then the Conservatives focused their energies on recruiting and retaining support from middle-class, moderate swing voters.
Finally, we show how UKIP has developed into an effective electoral machine which looks to win and retain the loyalties of these voters. Finally, we discuss the longer-term implications of the radical-right revolt, which has the potential to change the nature of party competition in Britain in the election and beyond. Forever a False Dawn?
Parliamentary Affairs [Online] Coverage of the elections focused on the performance of an increasingly unpopular coalition government and an upsurge of support in the polls for the radical right UK Independence Party.
One quieter story of the campaign concerned the extreme right British National Party BNPand the question of whether the year old party would prove able to stem an electoral decline that followed a failed breakthrough attempt at the general election.
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After providing an agency-based explanation for why the BNP—once the most successful extreme right party in British history—returned to the electoral wildness and changed strategy, the article concludes by considering the implications of the party's decline for an increasingly chaotic and diverse extreme right scene.
Rallying intolerance in the valleys: Explaining support for the extreme right in Wales. British Politics [Online] 8: Yet, although the party's electoral growth in England has attracted attention, individual and contextual drivers of BNP support in other areas — namely, Wales — have been ignored.
The lack of research is puzzling, given that the party has actively campaigned beyond England and attracted some support for its ethnic nationalism amidst a resurgence of support for Welsh nationalism. Drawing on a range of data, we examine the socio-economic, political and demographic drivers of BNP support in Wales.
At the aggregate level, we find the party performs strongest in economically insecure and urban areas that have large social housing sectors, high deprivation rates, low education levels, large numbers of residents in precarious occupations, and which have experienced the largest increases in unemployment rates since the onset of the financial crisis.
Politically, our findings suggest that the BNP has also rallied votes in areas where turnout is low, and where support for Labour has traditionally been strong.
Individual-level analysis of 'core' and 'soft' supporters reveals that although they share a similar profile — less-well educated and middle-aged men who tend to be skilled workers — soft sympathy appears more widespread among women and younger citizens. Foremost, and despite a broader context of comparatively low migration and ethnic diversity rates in Wales, both groups of supporters are driven to the extreme right by concerns over immigration, which appear to be tied strongly to broader feelings of political abandonment.
Rather, it appears that structural economic disadvantage, political disenchantment and the perceived negative impact of immigration provide a more convincing explanation for the limited electoral appeal of the extreme right in Wales. Extreme right foot soldiers, legacy effects and deprivation: Party Politics [Online] Abstract View in KAR Despite a vast pan-European literature on extreme right parties ERPsfew studies speak convincingly to questions of party membership and activism.
This article draws on a unique membership dataset to examine contextual predictors of membership of the British National Party BNPcurrently the dominant representative of the extreme right in British politics.
We operationalize and test for the impact of both demand-side and supply-side factors, including the seldom examined effects of historical legacies, and of party activism and electoral success on membership levels. Aside from congregating in urban areas that are more deprived and have low education levels, we also find evidence of a 'legacy effect', whereby membership levels are higher in areas with a historic tradition of extreme right activism.
This research is the first ever systematic investigation of national extreme right party membership. Strategic Eurosceptics and polite xenophobes: European Journal of Political Research [Online] Examining vote-switching between first- and second-order elections evidence is found of a distinction between two types of supporter: Anti-immigrant, politically disaffected or still racist after all? Examining the attitudinal drivers of extreme right support in Britain in the European elections.
This article draws on unique data that allow unprecedented insight into the attitudinal profile of ERP voters in Britain — an often neglected case in the wider literature. A series of possible motivational drivers of extreme right support are separated out: It is found that BNP support in the EP elections was motivationally diverse, with racist hostility, xenophobia and protest voting all contributing significantly to BNP voting.
The analysis suggests that the BNP, which has long been a party stigmatised by associations with racism and violent extremism, made a key breakthrough in While racist motivations remain the strongest driver of support for the party, it has also begun to win over a broader coalition of anti-immigrant and anti-elite voters.
Activism in Contemporary Extreme Right Parties: Abstract View in KAR Whilst the electoral performance of contemporary extreme right parties has generated much interest there are few studies of extreme right party activists.
Focusing on the case of the British National Party BNP this article investigates who joins the extreme right and considers the motive for active participation. In conclusion, the article raises implications for the study of extreme right parties and activism. Political Studies [Online] Classical Realism Also called human realism and associated with Morgenthau's exposition of realism in which the power pursuit propensity of states is derived from the basic nature of human beings as power maximisers.
This perspective holds that ideological, as well as material, factors may constitute 'power' e. The Power of Power Politics: From Classical Realism to Neotraditionalism. Last up-dated on 14 March Issues in the Quest for Collective Defense.
Alan Ned Sabrosky, ed. Collective Efficacy, Theory of Collective efficacy is defined as the presence of local social cohesion and a shared expectation for informal social control, or collective action Sampson, Although often used within the study of criminology, collective efficacy is not exclusively a theory of crime; it is also employed more broadly in the study of neighborhood context and well-being.
Places have different levels of collective efficacy based on variation in ecological context. The underlying perspective is that community-level instability constrains friendship choices and reduces local social cohesion and a norm of informal social control.
The theory of collective efficacy recognizes that social cohesion is directly measured through the presence of social networks. In this way, collective efficacy breaks from traditional theories of social disorganization that attribute local social problems to macrofactors, such as invasion and succession e.
Lessons Learned and Directions for Future Inquiry.
Collective Security Employed during the construction of the League of Nations, the concept of collective security goes beyond the pure idea of defence to include, according to Inis Claude, 'arrangements for facilitating peaceful settlement of disputes,' assuming that the mechanisms of preventing war and defending states under armed attack will 'supplement and reinforce each other' Writing during the Cold War, Claude identifies the concept as the post-WWI name given by the international community to the 'system for maintenance of international peace Most applicable to widely inclusive international organizations such as the League and the United Nations, ideally, the arrangement would transcend the reliance on deterrence of competing alliances through a network or scheme of 'national commitments and international mechanisms.
From this, it is theorized that perfected collective security would discourage potential aggressors from angering a collectivity of states. Like balance-of-power, collective security works on the assumption that any potential aggressor would be deterred by the prospect of joint retaliation, but it goes beyond the military realm to include a wider array of security problems.
It assumes that states will relinquish sovereignty and freedom of action or inaction to increasing interdependence and the premise of the indivisibility of peace. The security that can be derived from this is part of the foundation of the neoliberal institutionalist argument. Theory, Problems and Reformulations.
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Communitarianism A theory that became influential in the s and sought to place the community at the heart of political theorizing. Communitarians express strong opposition towards the abstract individual of liberal theory, arguing that people need to participate in running their lives.
They view with alarm the tendency to retreat from political and social involvement into privatised worlds in which people act simply as consumers. Communitarians are aware that elevating the community may generate a regime that imprisons rather than empowers the individual. Order and autonomy, they contend, should nourish one another, so that individuals become more able to govern their own lives when consciously participating in communities.
It is important to see communities, they argue, in the plural. Each community is deemed part of a wider community, so that values cannot be restricted to one particular group, but must be linked to global values — values that express the interest of the community of communities. Etzioni, Amitai, Communitarianism From the Village to the Virtual World, Vol.
Stanford University Press, ; Communitarianism. In Political Philosophy A-Z. Three assumptions underpin the behavior of agents within a complex system: They have a quality of dynamic stability that is characteriszed by occasrional rapid and unpredictable shifts in shape and direction. An Introduction to Basic Theory and Concepts. Slideshare Presentation ; William de. Complex Interdependence Theory The term 'complex interdependence' was developed by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye and refers to the various, complex transnational connections interdependencies between states and societies.
Interdependence theorists noted that such relations, particularly economic ones, were increasing; while the use of military force and power balancing were decreasing but remained important. Reflecting on these developments, they argued that the decline of military force as a policy tool and the increase in economic and other forms of interdependence should increase the probability of cooperation among states.
The complex interdependence framework can be seen as an attempt to synthesise elements of realist and liberal thought. Finally, anticipating problems of cheating and relative gains raised by realists, interdependence theorists introduced the concept of 'regimes' to mitigate anarchy and facilitate cooperation.
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Here, we can see an obvious connection to neo-liberal institutionalism. Last up-dated on 14 March ; Wikipedia. In putting his thesis, Bobbitt also contends that: In terms of the current international system, Bobbitt argues that it is transitioning from an order of nation-states to market-states.
The Shield of Achilles: War, Peace, and the Course of History. Constitutive Theory Constitutive theory is directly concerned with the importance of human reflection on the nature and character of world politics and the approach to its study. Reflections on the process of theorizing, including epistemological and ontological issues and questions, are typical.
Constitutive theory is distinguished from explanatory or empirical theory see below and may be described as the philosophy of world politics or international relations. Social Theory of International Politics. Constructivism Constructivist theory rejects the basic assumption of neo-realist theory that the state of anarchy lack of a higher authority or government is a structural condition inherent in the system of states. Rather, it argues, in Alexander Wendt's words, that 'Anarchy is what states make of it'.
That is, anarchy is a condition of the system of states because states in some sense 'choose' to make it so. Anarchy is the result of a process that constructs the rules or norms that govern the interaction of states. The condition of the system of states today as self-helpers in the midst of anarchy is a result of the process by which states and the system of states was constructed.
It is not an inherent fact of state-to-state relations. Thus, constructivist theory holds that it is possible to change the anarchic nature of the system of states.
The Social Construction of Power Politics. In Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences. Corporatism This refers to organised interest groups that mediate between society and the state. In the post-war period, corporatism is not restricted to business corporations, but often includes the larger trade unions as well.
A limited number of relatively privileged groups play a role in determining public policy in consultation with the state. This contradicts the assumptions of liberal theory. Individuals are not all equal, and the role played in the determination of policy by a relatively small number of actors is unrecognised in the democratic process.
Unlike the notion of interest-group pluralism, corporatism assumes that relatively few organizations of a non-competitive kind relate to the state in a privileged way. The latter is usually associated with more authoritarian state systems.
Corporatism is defended as a way of imposing order upon society, so that the market itself is controlled and inflation and unemployment managed. In A Glossary of Political Theory.
In Key Concepts in Governance. Trends Toward Corporatist Intermediation. The nebulous core shared by all cosmopolitan views is the idea that all human beings, regardless of their political affiliation, do or at least can belong to a single community, and that this community should be cultivated. Different versions of cosmopolitanism envision this community in different ways, some focusing on political institutions, others on moral norms or relationships, and still others focusing on shared markets or forms of cultural expression.
The philosophical interest in cosmopolitanism lies in its challenge to commonly recognized attachments to fellow-citizens, the local state, parochially shared cultures, and the like. Tom Paine's Cosmopolitanism and International Relations.
Critical Social Theory Not really a theory, but an approach or methodology which seeks to take a critical stance towards itself by recognising its own presuppositions and role in the world; and secondly, towards the social reality that it investigates by providing grounds for the justification and criticism of the institutions, practices and mentalities that make up that reality.
Critical social theory therefore attempts to bridge the divides in social thought between explanation and justification, philosophical and substantive concerns, pure and applied theory, and contemporary and earlier thinking.
George, Jim and David Campbell. Critical Social Theory and International Relations. Speaking the Language of Exile: Dissidence in International Studies 34 September Cultural Internationalism Cultural internationalism is the idea that world order can and should be defined through interactions at the cultural level across national boundaries. From this point of view, an alternative view of world order is created by artists, writers, thinkers, popular movements, and civil society organizations which is often in contrast the view of a world system dominated by great powers and the realist demands of geopolitics.
Cultural Internationalism and World Order. Cultural Property Law and Restitution: Edward Elgar, [see chapter 1]. Decision Making Analysis The discipline comprising the philosophy, theory, methodology, and professional practice necessary to address important decisions in a formal manner. Decision analysis includes many procedures, methods, and tools for identifying, clearly representing, and formally assessing the important aspects of a decision situation, for prescribing the recommended course of action by applying the maximum expected utility action axiom to a well-formed representation of the decision, and for translating the formal representation of a decision and its corresponding recommendation into insight for the decision maker and other stakeholders.
The Art and Science of Negotiation. Defensive Realism Defensive realism is an umbrella term for several theories of international politics and foreign policy that build upon Robert Jervis's writings on the security dilemma and to a lesser extent upon Kenneth Waltz's balance-of-power theory neorealism. Defensive realism holds that the international system provides incentives for expansion only under certain conditions.
Anarchy the absence of a universal sovereign or worldwide government creates situations where by the tools that one state uses to increase it security decreases the security of other states. This security dilemma causes states to worry about one another's future intentions and relative power.
Pairs of states may pursue purely security seeking strategies, but inadvertently generate spirals of mutual hostility or conflict. States often, although not always, pursue expansionist policies because their leaders mistakenly believe that aggression is the only way to make their state secure. Defensive realism predicts great variation in internationally driven expansion and suggests that states ought to generally pursue moderate strategies as the best route to security.
Under most circumstances, the stronger states in the international system should pursue military, diplomatic, and foreign economic policies that communicate restraint.
Examples of defensive realism include: Taliaferro, 'Security-Seeking Under Anarchy: Tragedy of Great Power Politics. Democratic Peace All democratic peace theories seek to explain the disputed empirical fact that two constitutional democracies have never gone to war with each other in recent history onwards.
As such, they rest on a similar hypothesis: To prove the reality of the democratic peace, theorists such as Michael Doyle have sought to show a causal relationship between the independent variable - 'democratic political structures at the unit level' - and the dependant variable - 'the asserted absence of war between democratic states'.
Critics, such as Ido Oren, dispute the claims of democratic peace theorists by insisting that there is a liberal bias in the interpretation of 'democracy' which weakens the evidence. Palgrave Macmillan, ; Rosato, Sebastian.